Suchergebnisse

Second screening has become a prevalent media consumption behavior. Nevertheless, the political implications of second screening are not fully understood. Using data from a two-wave panel survey in Hong Kong, this study examines the role of second screening in contributing to an engaged public based on the Orientation-Stimulus-Reasoning-Orientation-Response (O-S-R-O-R) model. In addition, second screening behaviors are differentiated into second screening for news and for expression. The findings show that these two behaviors play significant but different roles in influencing citizens' cognitive (i.e., political knowledge) and psychological (i.e., political efficacy) development. This hybrid media practice also affects political participation directly and indirectly through interpersonal discussion, political knowledge, and political efficacy. Implications of the findings for the development of participatory democracy are discussed.

This study builds on the privacy calculus model to revisit the privacy paradox on social media. A two-wave panel data set from Hong Kong and a cross-sectional data set from the United States are used. This study extends the model by incorporating privacy self-efficacy as another privacy-related factor in addition to privacy concerns (i.e., costs) and examines how these factors interact with social capital (i.e., the expected benefit) in influencing different privacy management strategies, including limiting profile visibility, self-disclosure, and friending. This study proposed and found a two-step privacy management strategy in which privacy concerns and privacy self-efficacy prompt users to limit their profile visibility, which in turn enhances their self-disclosing and friending behaviors in both Hong Kong and the United States. Results from the moderated mediation analyses further demonstrate that social capital strengthens the positive–direct effect of privacy self-efficacy on self-disclosure in both places, and it can mitigate the direct effect of privacy concerns on restricting self-disclosure in Hong Kong (the conditional direct effects). Social capital also enhances the indirect effect of privacy self-efficacy on both self-disclosure and friending through limiting profile visibility in Hong Kong (the conditional indirect effects). Implications of the findings are discussed.

Using two-wave panel data from Hong Kong, this study examines the spiral of silence process on social media. It extends the theoretical framework by including both supporting and disagreeing opinion expression and examining not only expressive but also withdrawal behaviors on social media. This study also investigates the moderating roles of disagreement and publicness as two affordances on social media that influence the spiral of silence process. Results from the moderated mediation model with a panel lagged and autoregressive analysis suggest that fear of social isolation (FSI) has an indirect effect on discouraging disagreeing opinion expression but not supporting opinion expression and on encouraging withdrawal behaviors through enhancing willingness to self-censor (WTSC) on social media. This indirect effect is contingent on the levels of disagreement and publicness in one's network. Higher levels of disagreement and publicness promote the spiral of silence. Implications of the findings are discussed.

Drawing on the two-wave 2020 American National Election Studies (ANES) survey, this study revisits partisan types by categorizing individuals' party identification and positions on party-divided issues. A Latent Class Analysis reveals six types of partisans, which were further clustered into three types: polarized partisans (i.e., polarized Democrats and polarized Republicans, 47.85%), incongruent partisans (i.e., conservative Democrats and liberal Republicans, 28.23%), and floating citizens (i.e., hesitant citizens and apathetic citizens, 23.92%) based on the partisan typology proposed in this study. Employing the O-S-R-O-R model, this study found that polarized partisans (O), who are the most politically active citizens, are more likely than incongruent partisans and floating citizens to seek pro-attitudinal news on multi-platforms (S), then to discuss politics (R), then to be politically knowledgeable (O), which finally leads to higher levels of political participation. The results highlight a worrisome tendency in US politics as participation is largely by biased polarized partisans. Nevertheless, incongruent partisans also have the potential to make contributions to both deliberative and participatory democracy because they are also politically active. Their discussion and participatory behaviors can be attributed to their mixed issue positions and counter-attitudinal news consumption on multi-platforms.

PurposeThe purpose of this study is to examine the knowledge gap hypothesis in the context of smartphone use for news to understand whether mobile news consumption could bridge or widen the knowledge gap between people of higher and lower socioeconomic status (SES).Design/methodology/approachThe authors examine how smartphone news consumption is associated with the knowledge gap hypothesis by analyzing a survey dataset from Hong Kong. This study focuses specifically on a moderated mediation model in which the indirect effect of mobile news consumption on political knowledge via discussion network heterogeneity is contingent on level of education.FindingsSmartphone use for news/information was positively associated with level of discussion network heterogeneity. The indirect effect of smartphone news use on political knowledge via discussion network heterogeneity was stronger for those with lower levels of education.Originality/valueThis study advances the understanding of the role of smartphone use in contributing to the functioning of deliberative democracy as this use enhances discussion network heterogeneity and general levels of political knowledge. Moreover, our study contributes to the literature on the knowledge gap by not only examining the relationship between smartphone use, discussion heterogeneity, and political knowledge but also taking into consideration individual levels of education.

This study incorporates the examination of citizenship norms in testing the Citizen Communication Mediation Model (CCMM) in China, exploring to what extent online political expression mediates the impact of informational use of social media on offline civic engagement and how beliefs in citizenship norms moderate the CCMM. Results based on a two-wave panel survey among a national sample of 1,199 Chinese adults provide strong support for the CCMM in the Chinese context. In addition, embracing the democratic citizenship norm significantly enhances the CCMM effect, whereas embracing the pro-government citizenship norm that encourages pro-government speech does not show the same effect.

AbstractThis study examines how consumers' corporate social responsibility (CSR)‐related activities in social media affect their responses to brands. We defined consumers' CSR‐related activities in social media as the extent to which consumers use social media to engage in CSR communication by companies. An online survey was conducted to examine social media users in China, the largest consumer market in today's global economies. This study developed a theoretical model and empirically tested the relationships between consumers' CSR‐related activities in social media, identification with the brand, and three consumer behavior outcomes: electronic word‐of‐mouth (eWOM) intention, brand attitude, and purchase intention. The results suggested that consumers' CSR‐related activities in social media significantly impacted eWOM intention and purchase intention through enhancing identification with the brand and positive brand attitude. This study provides important insights on consumer behavior and CSR by investigating social media, an important and emerging marketing platform. Moreover, this study fills in the research gap about the association between consumers' CSR‐related activities in social media and their responses to brands. Theoretical and managerial implications for CSR strategies in social media are discussed.

Social media platforms not only provide young adults exposure to information about political and social affairs, but also opportunities to curate connections with influential public actors that can engender greater public expression and participation in civic life. We examine these dynamics using probability surveys of young adults in China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong. Results across the three samples showed that social media connections with journalists and activists were positively related to exposure to and sharing of public affairs content. Sharing public affairs content on social media in turn was related to greater willingness to speak out about political and social issues beyond the social media platforms. These experiences further empower youth to engage in civic participation. This study elucidates the importance of public actors on social media as socialization agents for youth that can engender subsequent public expression and civic participation across societies with different political and media systems.

Research has shown that exposure to political satire elicits negative emotions, which in turn mobilize political participation. We conducted an experiment to extend this line of research by examining the type of exposure (i.e., exposure to counter- and proattitudinal political views) and investigating a specific negative emotion—anger—in influencing political participation. Although the literature has suggested that counterattitudinal exposure is likely to discourage political behaviors, results from this study document that exposure to counterattitudinal political satire is more likely than proattitudinal exposure to increase participation in issue-related activities through evoking one's anger about the political issue. More importantly, this indirect effect functions under the condition when people consider the issue to be personally important. We discuss the implications for the development of deliberative and participatory democracy in media genres that are emotionally provocative.